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One story going around, which later turned out to be a hoax, was of an experiment supposed to measure the memory capacity of the brain by hypnotising bricklayers and asking them such questions as 'What shape was the crack in the fifteenth brick on the fourth row above the damp course in such and such a house?'.
有一个故事很有名，后来发现只是恶作剧，这是关于一个测量大脑记忆容量的实验，方法是把一个砖匠催眠，然后问他“第四排第五块砖上面的裂缝是什么形状的？”
Alan's reaction to these cybernetic tales was one of amusement.
图灵认为这些控制论的故事全是一种搞笑。
Another point of difference lay in the fact that Wiener was openly concerned about the economic implications of cybernetic technology.
还有一个不同点在于，维纳广泛地思考控制技术的经济价值。
The war, for him, had not changed a conviction that machines should be made to work for people rather than vice versa.
战争没有改变他的坚定立场，他认为应该利用机器为人类服务，而不是把它视为人类的竞争对手。
His comment that factory robots would put the people they replaced in the position of competing against slave labour, and his daring description of the principle of competition as a 'shibboleth', put him on the extreme left of 1948 American opinion, It was no accident that on his visit to Britain Wiener had consulted the left-wing luminaries of science, J.D. Bernal and H. Levy, as well as Haldane.
他评论说，工业机器人几乎把人类贬低到了与奴隶竞争的地位，这种优胜劣态的竞争原则是原始落后的。因为他持有这种极左的科学思想，所以他出访英国时，不出所料地拜访了左派的科学名人J·D·贝尔纳、H·莱维和J·B·S·霍尔丹。
But the academic debate that followed Cybernetics in Britain was not concerned with this question, nor indeed with anything to do with the use of computers, or the harnessing of wartime technology to peaceful and constructive ends, or the relative merits of cooperation and competition.
但是在英国，对控制论的学术讨论与这些无关，与计算机的应用也无关，与战时技术在和平时期的发展也无关，与合作与竞争的问题也无关。
When the News Review called cybernetics a 'frightening science' it was not the economic consequences but the threat to traditional beliefs that it feared.
《新闻评论》把控制论称为"恐怖的科学"，并不是害怕它的经济后果，而是担心它对传统信仰的冲击。
Post-war reaction to planning and austerity, conservative rather than commercial, was reflected in the almost Victorian terms of reference which the intellectuals also accepted.
这些维多利亚式的说辞，反应了战后的一种保守反应。
This was true of Alan Turing as much as anyone, these were terms close to his own struggle of the 1930s over problems of thought and feeling.
而对于图灵来说，这很像他在30年代对思维问题的困惑。
Times had changed, however, and so it was not a bishop but a brain surgeon who led the British intellectual reaction to the claims of machinery to thought.
然而现在时代变了，引领英国知识界讨论这个问题的，不再是主教，而是脑外科医生。
The eminent Sir Geoffrey Jefferson delivered an address, The Mind of Mechanical Man, as the Lister Oration on 9 June 1949.
1949年6月9日，著名的杰弗瑞·杰弗逊爵士发表了演说，名为《机械人的思维》。
Jefferson held a Chair of Neurosurgery at Manchester, and knew about the Manchester computer development from talking about it with Williams, But most of his impressions came from Wiener, whose emphasis was still placed on the similarity of the nerve-cells of the brain to the components of a computer.
杰弗逊在曼彻斯特的神经外科享有一席之地，他还通过威廉姆斯得知了计算机发展，但他的大部分认识还是来自维纳，维纳强调了大脑神经细胞与计算机组件的相似性注。
