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Addressing the point of production is ultimately a politics of more for the masses.
解决生产点问题归根结底是一种更多地为多数人服务的政治手段。
Unlike a punitive gas tax, when we recognize that full worker and community control of production means better working and living conditions for all, we might actually draw people in.
与燃油税这种惩罚性手段不同，当我们认识到工人和社区对生产的全面控制意味着所有人都能获得更好的工作和生活条件时，我们可能真的会吸引更多的人加入进来。
As Matt Huber writes, “class politics is a powerful dot connector.
正如马特·胡贝尔所写：“阶级政治是能够把各点连接起来的强大工具。
It aims to tie the threads together to make clear that our movements face a common enemy, the capitalist class, and that our struggles seek common goals based on our common humanity: dignity, freedom, and a livable planet.”
它旨在将这些线索联系在一起，以表明我们的运动面临着一个共同的敌人，即资本主义阶级，我们的斗争寻求着共同的目标，有着共同的人性基础：尊严、自由和一个宜居的地球。”
When we begin to frame the climate crisis as the result of not how many flights Taylor Swift goes on, but instead, who controls and profits off of what fuel and what planes are being produced, then we can begin to create lasting change.
当我们不再把气候危机归咎于泰勒·斯威夫特坐了多少次飞机，而是由谁来控制燃料和飞机的生产并从中获利时，我们就可以开始创造持久的变化。
This is exactly what union organizer Tony Mazzocchi found during his years of agitating for change in the US.
这正是工会组织者托尼·马佐奇多年来在美国推动变革时所发现的。
Mazzocchi was one of the first labor leaders in the United States to build strong ties to the environmental movement in the 1960s, and it began with his realization, as his biographer writes, “that pollution always starts in the workplace, and then moves to the community and natural environment.”
马佐奇是20世纪60年代美国最早与环保运动建立紧密联系的劳工领袖之一，正如他的传记作者所写的那样，这场运动能够开始，是因为他意识到了，“污染的源头总是工作场所，然后才会转移到社区和自然环境中。”
Mazzocchi knew that pollution originates from the point of production, so if he could organize and convince his fellow laborers to stop toxic chemical seepage and dangerous emissions from ever being created, they wouldn’t need to clean up their rivers and air after the fact.
马佐奇知道污染源自生产点，所以如果他能组织并说服他的工人同伴阻止有毒化学物质的泄漏和有害排放的产生，他们就不需要在事后清理河流和空气。
So, Mazzocchi toured the country throughout the late 1960s.
因此，马佐奇整个20世纪60年代末都在全国巡回演讲。
He brought scientists to local union meetings, who explained the dangers of the chemicals the workers were handling, and asked union members to pressure their bosses and elected officials for change.
他把科学家带到了当地的工会会议上，让他们解释工人正在处理的化学物质的危险性，并要求工会成员向他们的老板和民选官员施压，要求他们做出改变。
By 1970, the political pressure from unions was enough for president Nixon to sign the Occupational Safety and Health Act into law.
到了1970年，来自工会的政治压力足以让尼克松总统签署《职业安全与健康法案》成为法律。
A piece of legislation that required companies to clean up toxic workplace hazards and provide a safe working environment for laborers.
该立法要求公司清理有毒工作场所危险物质并为工人提供安全工作环境。
Mazzocchi shows the success of recognizing that environmental struggles are class struggles and vice versa.
马佐奇成功地认识到了环境斗争就是阶级斗争，反之亦然。
He shows that pressuring the capitalist class through strikes, protests, and walk outs at the point of production is a very tangible path towards transforming that production and cutting emissions.
他表明，通过罢工、抗议和在生产点罢工来向资产阶级施压，是实现生产转型和减少排放的一条非常切实可行的途径。
While the people who own and profit off of the means of production have outsized power, that power is dwarfed in comparison to the collective power of the workers who actually produce those goods.
虽然拥有生产资料并从中获利的人拥有巨大的权力，但与实际生产这些商品的工人的集体力量相比，这种权力就相形见绌了。
So, what does all this mean we should do?
那么，这一切意味着我们应该做什么呢？
It might mean going into the trades and joining a union.
可能是进入这些行业并加入工会。
It might mean building worker power, organizing in your community, writing letters to newspapers, or connecting with and agitating in your workplace.
可能是建立工人的力量，把你的社区成员组织起来，给报社写信，或者联系和鼓动你的同事。
But it can also start small.
但我们也可以从小事做起。
It can start with an idea.
从一个想法开始。
Maybe the next time you hear someone talk about a celebrity’s carbon footprint, you take the time to consider that the people who are profiting off that consumption might be more at fault.
也许下一次当你听到有人谈论名人的碳足迹时，你会花时间思考一下，从这种消费中获利的人可能更该为此责任。
