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1935 was a great year for some.
1935年对一些人来说是伟大的一年。
But for the vast majority of the world, 1935 was a terrible year.
但对世界上绝大多数人来说，1935年是可怕的一年。
Not in the least because that’s when the US government began the process of redlining neighborhoods.
因为美国政府是从那年开始给社区划红线的。
Under government supervision, the Home Owners Loan Coalition created maps of over 200 US cities outlining neighborhoods in different colors to denote which areas the government should invest in and which ones it shouldn’t.
在政府的监督下，房主贷款联盟制作了200多个美国城市的地图，用不同的颜色勾勒出社区，以表明政府应该投资哪些地区，哪些不应该。
Green outlines were the “best” neighborhoods that didn’t have, and this is a direct quote “a single foreigner or Negro,” while red districts were “Hazardous,” which meant that they were majority Black neighborhoods or what the Homeowner’s Loan Coalition described as an “undesirable population.”
绿色勾勒的是“最佳”社区，直接引用当时的描述是，这样的社区没有“单身外国人或黑人”，而红色区域是“危险”社区，意味着这些社区里大多数是黑人，或者说是房主贷款联盟所说的“不受欢迎的人口”。
This is the origin of the term “redlining.”
这就是术语“拒绝贷款”的由来。
Agents from the Homeowners Loan Coalition would travel around to different districts and draft blatantly racist assessments about neighborhoods like this one, which marked one neighborhood as yellow because Black residents of surrounding districts walked through that area's park and the school for that zone was located in a Black neighborhood.
房主贷款联盟的代理人会前往不同的地区，对像这样的社区公然起草种族主义评估报告，这种报告把一个社区标记成了黄色，因为周围地区的黑人居民走过该地区的公园，而该地区的学校位于黑人社区。
Green neighborhoods were okayed for mortgages and public funds, while those marked in red were avoided at all cost by mortgage lenders and government spending.
绿色社区可以获得抵押贷款和公共资金，而那些标为红色的社区则是抵押贷款机构和政府支出不惜一切代价避开的对象。
Redlining systematically divested funds from Black neighborhoods and put them into white neighborhoods.
红线政策系统地将资金从黑人社区转移到了白人社区。
But government sanctioned redlining in the city is just the tip of the iceberg.
但政府批准的城市红线政策只是冰山一角。
Racist white fears of crime, filth, and violence pushed white folks to flee urban centers and carve out fortresses of Whiteness in the suburbs.
种族主义的白人对犯罪、肮脏和暴力的恐惧迫使白人逃离城市中心，在郊区开辟白人堡垒。
Indeed, for many suburbs in the first half of the 20th century, there were official zoning laws and unofficial racial housing covenants that restricted white homeowners in the suburbs from selling to prospective Black homeowners.
事实上，在20世纪上半叶时，许多郊区有官方的分区法律和非官方的种族住房契约，限制郊区的白人房主将房屋出售给可能的黑人房主。
For White people, the suburb represented a conservative refuge that valued the nuclear family, that reinforced gender roles of a man at work and a woman in the home, and that excluded non-white families.
对于白人来说，郊区代表着一个保守的避难所，它重视核心家庭，强化了男性在工作中、女性在家庭中扮演的性别角色，并将非白人家庭排除在外。
But with the passage of the Fair Housing Act in 1968, many of these racist policies were outlawed on paper.
但随着1968年《公平住房法》的通过，这些种族主义政策中有许多都被明文禁止了。
Yet, in practice they still thrived.
然而，在现实生活中，它们仍然蓬勃发展。
Overt racism became covert racism as people used coded language and logic to continue to exclude marginalized people from the suburbs.
随着人们使用加密的语言和逻辑继续将边缘化的人排除在郊区之外，公开的种族主义变成了隐蔽的种族主义。
Instead of saying people of color couldn’t live in their suburban enclaves, white homeowners of suburban towns like Black Jack in the outskirts of St. Louis, would say stuff like “The only criterion for entering Black Jack has been the ability to pay.
在圣路易斯郊外的黑杰克等郊区城镇居住的白人房主不会说有色人种不能住在他们的郊区飞地，而是会说“进入黑杰克的唯一标准是支付能力。
We are not a racist community.
我们不是一个种族主义社区。
But neither are we for economic integration,” as well as “If you bring low-income housing out here the same thing will happen that’s happening in St. Louis City. There will be crime and armed robberies and everything else.”
但我们也不支持经济一体化”，以及“如果你把低收入住房项目带到这里，就会发生和圣路易斯城一样的事情。比如犯罪事件啊、持械抢劫啊等等。”
This rhetoric came directly from the mouth of local officials of Black Jack in the 1970s, who were adamantly opposed to the construction of a low-income, high-density housing project in the town.
这番言论直接出自20世纪70年代黑杰克地方官员的口中，他们坚决反对在该镇建设低收入、高密度的住房项目。
Instead of blatant racist wording, townspeople of Black Jack used income as a way to keep poorer non-white folks out of their neighborhoods.
黑杰克镇上的居民没有使用公然的种族主义措辞，而是假借收入将较贫穷的非白人排除在他们的社区之外。
Across the country the tactic of wielding class and wealth as a racist tool of exclusion pervaded suburban policy.
全国各地的郊区政策中，都充斥着利用阶级和财富作为种族主义排斥工具的策略。
Single-family zoning laws, a lack of public transportation, and an emphasis on conformity, were all exclusionary tactics.
单一家庭分区法、缺少公共交通工具以及强调一致性，这些都是排他性的策略。
They were all attempts to keep the perceived violence and crime of people of color in the city out of their suburban enclaves.
这些策略都试图将城市中被认为是有色人种犯下的的暴力事件和罪行排除在他们的郊区飞地之外。
And if you think we left that rhetoric behind in the 70s, Trump begs to differ: “They want to eliminate single-family zoning, bringing who knows into your suburbs, so your communities will be unsafe and your housing values will go down."
如果你认为我们在70年代就抛弃了这种言辞，特朗普可不敢苟同：“他们想要取消单一家庭分区，把陌生人带到你的郊区，这样你的社区就会变得危险，你的住房价值也会下降。”
The suburbs are still a racialized battleground, using space and design as a means of exclusion.
利用空间和设计作为排斥手段的郊区，仍然是种族主义的战场。
And along the way of achieving this white supremacist safe haven, the suburbs lock in a way of life incompatible with our environment, our atmosphere, and our planet.
在建立这一白人至上主义避风港的过程中，郊区锁定了一种与我们的环境、大气和地球都不相容的生活方式。
