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In April, Podhorzer began hosting a weekly 2+1/2-hour Zoom. It was structured around a series of rapid-fire five-minute presentations on everything from which ads were working to messaging to legal strategy. The invitation-only gatherings soon attracted hundreds, creating a rare shared base of knowledge for the fractious progressive movement. "At the risk of talking trash about the left, there's not a lot of good information sharing," says Anat Shenker-Osorio, a close Podhorzer friend whose poll-tested messaging guidance shaped the group's approach. "There's a lot of not-invented-here syndrome, where people won't consider a good idea if they didn't come up with it."
今年4月，Podhorzer开始每周举办一次2个半小时的Zoom节目。会议由一系列五分钟的快速演示构成，内容涉及从广告的作用到信息传递到法律策略的方方面面。这些仅限受邀者参加的集会很快吸引了数百人，为难以控制的进步运动创造了一个罕见的共享知识基础。Podhorzer的好友阿纳特·申克-奥索里奥表示：“冒着说左翼坏话的风险，左翼并没有很多好的信息共享。”申克-奥索里奥的信息指南经过民调检验决定了该组织的做法。“有很多非我发明综合症，如果一个点子不是自己想出来的，人们就不会考虑它。”
The meetings became the galactic center for a constellation of operatives across the left who shared overlapping goals but didn't usually work in concert. The group had no name, no leaders and no hierarchy, but it kept the disparate actors in sync. "Pod played a critical behind-the-scenes role in keeping different pieces of the movement infrastructure in communication and aligned," says Maurice Mitchell, national director of the Working Families Party. "You have the litigation space, the organizing space, the political people just focused on the W, and their strategies aren't always aligned. He allowed this ecosystem to work together."
这些会议成了左派特工们的银河中心，他们有共同的目标，但目标通常不一致。这个组织没有名字，没有领导人，也没有等级制度，但它让不同的参与者保持同步。工人家庭党全国主席莫里斯·米切尔表示：“工人家庭党在保持运动基础设施的沟通和协调方面发挥了关键的幕后作用。”“你有诉讼空间，有组织空间，政治人士只关注W，他们的策略并不总是一致的。他让这个生态系统协同工作。”
Protecting the election would require an effort of unprecedented scale. As 2020 progressed, it stretched to Congress, Silicon Valley and the nation's statehouses. It drew energy from the summer's racial-justice protests, many of whose leaders were a key part of the liberal alliance. And eventually it reached across the aisle, into the world of Trump-skeptical Republicans appalled by his attacks on democracy.
保护选举需要空前规模的努力。随着2020年的进展，它延伸到了国会、硅谷和美国的州议会。它从今年夏天的种族正义抗议活动中汲取了能量，其中许多领导人都是自由联盟的关键成员。最终，它跨越了两党，进入了对特朗普持怀疑态度的共和党人的世界，他们对特朗普对民主的攻击感到震惊。
The first task was overhauling America's balky election infrastructure—in the middle of a pandemic. For the thousands of local, mostly nonpartisan officials who administer elections, the most urgent need was money. They needed protective equipment like masks, gloves and hand sanitizer. They needed to pay for postcards letting people know they could vote absentee—or, in some states, to mail ballots to every voter. They needed additional staff and scanners to process ballots.
第一个任务是在一场大流行的情况下，彻底改革美国停滞不前的选举基础设施。对于数千名管理选举的地方官员来说，最迫切需要的是资金，这些官员大多是非党派人士。他们需要口罩、手套和洗手液等防护设备。他们需要花钱买明信片，让人们知道他们可以缺席投票——或者，在一些州，邮寄选票给每个选民。他们需要额外的工作人员和扫描仪来处理选票。
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